1. One year after the outbreak of the tragic war between two of its member states, Georgia and Russia, the Parliamentary Assembly reaffirms its Resolutions 1633 (2008) and 1647 (2009), adopted on 2 October 2008 and 28 January 2009 respectively. It considers that the demands on both countries, as well as the de facto authorities in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, continue to constitute a transparent, impartial and realistic roadmap to address the consequences of this war, not only for the parties concerned but also for the Assembly itself. The Assembly reaffirms its attachment to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia, as well as the inviolability of its borders.
2. With regard to the independent international inquiry into the origins and course of the conflict that was established by the European Union, the Assembly notes that the mandate of the fact-finding mission has been extended by the European Council until 30 September 2009. The Assembly welcomes the reported constructive co-operation of both Georgia and Russia with this mission and resolves to return to the issue of the causes and precise circumstances surrounding the outbreak of the war once the international fact-finding mission has presented its report.
3. The Assembly is seriously concerned by the continuing tension and provocations along the administrative boundaries of South Ossetia and Abkhazia which can only but destabilise the region as a whole. It considers that the sole guarantee that such tensions will not escalate into renewed fighting and hostilities is the immediate unrestricted access of international monitors to both sides of the administrative boundaries of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, as well as the deployment of a new impartial international peacekeeping force in the region. In this respect the Assembly:
3.1. deplores the continued refusal of Russia and the de facto authorities to allow European Union monitors access to Abkhazia and South Ossetia and calls upon them to give the monitors immediate and unconditional access to the territories under their de facto control;
3.2. deplores the closure of the United Nations Observation Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) as a result of the veto by Russia in the United Nations Security Council;
3.3. deeply regrets that the proposal presented by the Greek chairmanship of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) for a continued OSCE presence, including a military monitoring component, did not achieve consensus and calls upon Russia to reconsider its objections to this proposal.
4. The Assembly notes the modest progress made in the first working group, within the framework of the Geneva discussions, dealing with the modalities of security and stability in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It especially welcomes the regular meetings held between the sides concerned within the incident prevention mechanisms, but regrets that similar progress has not been achieved in the second working group, dealing with humanitarian issues and freedom of movement.
5. The Assembly is seriously concerned that further closure of the administrative boundaries of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as a result of the transfer of the control of the administrative boundary to Russian FSB border guards, will lead to a further exodus of ethnic Georgians from the Gali district in Abkhazia and the Akhalgori district in South Ossetia. The Assembly is especially concerned about the increased pressure placed on them to accept Abkhazian or South Ossetian passports and the current total absence of an international presence in these regions. The Assembly therefore calls upon Russia and the de facto authorities of South Ossetia and Abkhazia to remove any impediments to the freedom of movement of Georgian citizens across the administrative boundary lines.
6. The Assembly continues to be deeply concerned about the humanitarian consequences of this war and therefore:
6.1. reaffirms its positions taken in Resolutions 1648 (2009) and 1664 (2009) on this issue;
6.2. calls upon Georgia, Russia and the break-away regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to implement fully and effectively the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights’ six principles for urgent protection of human rights and humanitarian security, and especially Russia and the de facto authorities of South Ossetia and Abkhazia to fully and unconditionally ensure the right of return of Internally displaced persons (IDPs) as result of the August 2008 hostilities and fully respect their property rights;
6.3. calls upon the relevant parties to the conflict to refrain from steps which may lead to a further wave of internally displaced persons, including threats to security, forced passportisation, interference with mother tongue education, conscription and restrictions on freedom of movement;
6.4. calls for the human rights and humanitarian experience of the Council of Europe to be taken into account in the Geneva discussions, in particular in the framework of the second working group dealing with humanitarian issues and freedom of movement.
7. The Assembly deeply regrets that Russia and the break-away regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia continue to place excessive restrictions on the access of international and humanitarian organisations, including for humanitarian aid, to the break-away regions, and that Georgia also places restrictions on access. Furthermore, Russia and the break-away regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia continue to place undue restrictions on the local population wishing to cross the administrative boundary line. In this respect it:
7.1. remains deeply concerned about the humanitarian consequences of the “Law on the occupied territories of Georgia” and its application, although it welcomes the readiness expressed by the Georgian authorities to address the concerns set out in the recent European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) opinion on the Law and takes note of the amendments that were initiated in the Georgian parliament and sent to Venice Commission for opinion;
7.2. takes note of Russia’s efforts to provide humanitarian aid to Abkhazia and South Ossetia and calls on Russia and the de facto authorities of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to immediately remove all restrictions on the access, including with regard to the point of entry, of international and humanitarian organisations and humanitarian aid to the two regions;
7.3. calls upon all parties to ensure the uninterrupted flow of gas, water and other basic humanitarian supplies across administrative boundary lines, in particular during the forthcoming winter months.
8. The Assembly cannot accept the apparent reluctance of both Georgia and Russia to investigate in a credible manner serious allegations of violations of human rights and humanitarian law committed in the course of the war, as well as in its aftermath, by their own forces, or militia and civilians under their de facto control and jurisdiction. It notes that the European Union inquiry will also cover allegations of violations of human rights and humanitarian law, as well as possible war crimes, committed by either side in the course of the war. It therefore:
8.1. resolves to return to this issue, including the possible consequences for the two member states concerned, in the light of the conclusions of the European Union inquiry mission;
8.2. encourages the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to request the Pre-Trial Chamber of the Court formally to open an investigation into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by either side in the course and aftermath of the August 2008 hostilities.
9. The Assembly condemns Russia and the de facto authorities of South Ossetia for not having brought resolutely to a halt and seriously investigated the ethnic cleansing of ethnic Georgians that by all accounts took place in South Ossetia during and after the war and for not having brought the perpetrators to justice. It recalls that, under international law, Russia bears responsibility for violations of human rights and humanitarian law in those areas that fall under its de facto control.
10. The Assembly deplores the fact that, one year after the August 2008 hostilities, little tangible progress has been achieved in addressing the consequences of this war, and that, in several areas, the situation has actually regressed. While Georgia has complied with most, albeit not all, demands of the Assembly expressed in Assembly Resolutions 1633 (2008) and 1647 (2009), Russia has not complied with most of the key demands placed upon it in these resolutions.
11. The Assembly is fully aware of Russia’s argument that its non-compliance with the Assembly demands is the result of its diverging position with regard to the status of the two regions. The Assembly underscores that most of its demands have no relation to the status of the two regions and therefore can not understand that Russia failed to comply even with these demands. It therefore considers that Russia’s non-compliance with its demands underscores its lack of political will to address the consequences of the war in a manner incumbent on a member state of the Council of Europe. In addition, the Assembly deeply regrets that the leadership of both the State Duma and the Council of the Federation, as well as the members of the Russian delegation to the Assembly have publicly opposed the demands of the Assembly and dismissed the possibility for Russian compliance with them.
12. Therefore, while stressing the need and importance of full implementation of all demands of the Assembly Resolutions 1633 (2008) and 1647 (2009) by the Russian Federation, the Assembly specifically demands full implementation of the EU-brokered ceasefire agreement, in particular the demand to withdraw troops to their ex-ante war positions and to work towards the creation of a new internationalised peacekeeping format and police forces. It strongly urges the Russian authorities, before the end of this year, to:
12.1. give unrestricted access to European Union monitors to both South Ossetia and Abkhazia in line with paragraph 22.2 of Resolution 1633 (2008) and paragraph 9.8 of Resolution 1647 (2009);
12.2. grant freedom of movement for Georgian civilians across the administrative boundary lines and lift restrictions, including with regard to the point of entry, of international and humanitarian organisations and humanitarian aid to the two regions;
12.3. recognise formally and effectively the right of safe and dignified return of all IDPs, including those from the 2008 war, to their original place of residence in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in line with paragraphs 9.9 and 9.11 of Resolution 1647 (2009);
12.4. initiate a credible investigation into acts of alleged ethnic cleansing committed by the South Ossetian forces allied to it, or by civilians under its de facto jurisdiction and control and implement measures to reverse or, if not possible, to remedy those acts;
12.5. submit the Law on the Amendments to the Law on Defence of the Russian Federation to the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission) for opinion and fully to implement any recommendation of the Commission.
13. The Assembly invites its Monitoring Committee to monitor the follow up given by Georgia and Russia to Assembly demands and to propose any further action to be taken by the Assembly as required by the situation, in particular with regard to compliance with paragraph 12 of this resolution.
http://assembly.coe.int/Mainf.asp?link=/Documents/AdoptedText/ta09/ERES1683.htm
Самые последние сообщения (7 из 19) с даты: Сентябрь 2009. Показать более ранние сообщения
Самые последние сообщения (7 из 19) с даты: Сентябрь 2009. Показать более ранние сообщения
среда, 30 сентября 2009 г.
вторник, 29 сентября 2009 г.
7 lake in Abkhazia
и одна небольшая панорама, кликабельно
воскресенье, 27 сентября 2009 г.
fall of Sukhumi
The Sukhumi massacre took place on September 27, 1993, during and after the fall of Sukhumi into separatist hands in the course of the War in Abkhazia. It was perpetrated against Georgian civilians of Sukhumi, mainly by militia forces of Abkhaz separatists, their North Caucasian and Russian allies. It became a part of the bloody campaign carried out by the separatists, which is known as the ethnic cleansing of Georgians in Abkhazia
On September 27, 1993, separatist forces violated the ceasefire initiated by the UN and guaranteed by the Russian Federation, which barred both sides from performing military operations. As part of the ceasefire, Georgian forces had withdrawn their heavy artillery and tanks from Sukhumi. Abkhaz, Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus, Cossack and Russian militants stormed Sukhumi early in the morning. Confronted by large numbers of combatants, the Georgian army units that remained in the city were unable to prevent the separatist advance into the city. By noon, separatist militants and their allies had taken over television buildings and bridges. Georgian forces retreated to the Government building of the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic, where they intended to provide security for members of Abkhazian Autonomous Republic Government. By late afternoon the city was overrun by separatists and their allies.
Placing their hopes on the ceasefire, a large number of civilians remained in the city. The separatists and their allies started to sweep through the streets of Sukhumi rounding up all civilians that they found. Men, women and children were executed in the streets, on the roads inside their own apartments, houses and back yards. According to the witnesses many people became objects of torture, children were killed in front of their parents, parents – in front of their children.
“ When Abkhaz entered my house, they took me and my seven year old son outside. After forcing us to kneel, they took my son and shot him right in front of me. After they grabbed me by hair and took me to the nearby well. An Abkhaz soldier forced me to look down that well; there I saw three younger man and couple of elderly woman who were standing soaking in water naked. They were screaming and crying while Abkhaz were dumping dead corpses on them. After that, they threw a grenade there and placed more people inside. I was forced again to kneel in front of the dead corpses. One of the soldiers took his knife and took the eye out from one of the dead near me. Then he started to rub my lips and face with that decapitated eye. I could not take it any longer and fainted. They left me there in a pile of corpses.[4] ”
Women became targets of sadistic rape. Refugees recall people being burned to death, disembowelled and dismembered while still alive. The massacres occurred in the city park, in front of the governmental building, in schools and hospitals. Almost all members of the Abkhaz government (those who refused to leave the city), Zhiuli Shartava, Guram Gabiskiria, Mamia Alasania, and Raul Eshba were captured and executed..
The 1994 U.S. State Department Country Reports also describes scenes of massive human rights abuse:
The Abkhaz separatist forces committed widespread atrocities against the Georgian civilian population, killing many women, children, and elderly, capturing some as hostages and torturing others ... they also killed large numbers of Georgian civilians who remained behind in Abkhaz-seized territory...
The separatists launched a reign of terror against the majority Georgian population, although other nationalities also suffered. Chechens and other north Caucasians from the Russian Federation reportedly joined local Abkhaz troops in the commission of atrocities... Those fleeing Abkhazia made highly credible claims of atrocities, including the killing of civilians without regard for age or sex. Corpses recovered from Abkhaz-held territory showed signs of extensive torture. (The evidence available to Human Rights Watch supports the U.S. State Department’s findings.)
Georgian Refugees
Goverment House of Abkhazia
Georgian from Abkhazia Goverment: Guram Gabiskiria, Mamia Alasania, and another, killed by abkhazian separatists
Georgian civilians in Sukhumi
Abkhazian separatists and russian in Abkhazia Goverment House
Georgian Refugees in Kodori
Memori Board in Tbilisi
On September 27, 1993, separatist forces violated the ceasefire initiated by the UN and guaranteed by the Russian Federation, which barred both sides from performing military operations. As part of the ceasefire, Georgian forces had withdrawn their heavy artillery and tanks from Sukhumi. Abkhaz, Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus, Cossack and Russian militants stormed Sukhumi early in the morning. Confronted by large numbers of combatants, the Georgian army units that remained in the city were unable to prevent the separatist advance into the city. By noon, separatist militants and their allies had taken over television buildings and bridges. Georgian forces retreated to the Government building of the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic, where they intended to provide security for members of Abkhazian Autonomous Republic Government. By late afternoon the city was overrun by separatists and their allies.
Placing their hopes on the ceasefire, a large number of civilians remained in the city. The separatists and their allies started to sweep through the streets of Sukhumi rounding up all civilians that they found. Men, women and children were executed in the streets, on the roads inside their own apartments, houses and back yards. According to the witnesses many people became objects of torture, children were killed in front of their parents, parents – in front of their children.
“ When Abkhaz entered my house, they took me and my seven year old son outside. After forcing us to kneel, they took my son and shot him right in front of me. After they grabbed me by hair and took me to the nearby well. An Abkhaz soldier forced me to look down that well; there I saw three younger man and couple of elderly woman who were standing soaking in water naked. They were screaming and crying while Abkhaz were dumping dead corpses on them. After that, they threw a grenade there and placed more people inside. I was forced again to kneel in front of the dead corpses. One of the soldiers took his knife and took the eye out from one of the dead near me. Then he started to rub my lips and face with that decapitated eye. I could not take it any longer and fainted. They left me there in a pile of corpses.[4] ”
Women became targets of sadistic rape. Refugees recall people being burned to death, disembowelled and dismembered while still alive. The massacres occurred in the city park, in front of the governmental building, in schools and hospitals. Almost all members of the Abkhaz government (those who refused to leave the city), Zhiuli Shartava, Guram Gabiskiria, Mamia Alasania, and Raul Eshba were captured and executed..
The 1994 U.S. State Department Country Reports also describes scenes of massive human rights abuse:
The Abkhaz separatist forces committed widespread atrocities against the Georgian civilian population, killing many women, children, and elderly, capturing some as hostages and torturing others ... they also killed large numbers of Georgian civilians who remained behind in Abkhaz-seized territory...
The separatists launched a reign of terror against the majority Georgian population, although other nationalities also suffered. Chechens and other north Caucasians from the Russian Federation reportedly joined local Abkhaz troops in the commission of atrocities... Those fleeing Abkhazia made highly credible claims of atrocities, including the killing of civilians without regard for age or sex. Corpses recovered from Abkhaz-held territory showed signs of extensive torture. (The evidence available to Human Rights Watch supports the U.S. State Department’s findings.)
Georgian Refugees
Goverment House of Abkhazia
Georgian from Abkhazia Goverment: Guram Gabiskiria, Mamia Alasania, and another, killed by abkhazian separatists
Georgian civilians in Sukhumi
Abkhazian separatists and russian in Abkhazia Goverment House
Georgian Refugees in Kodori
Memori Board in Tbilisi
пятница, 25 сентября 2009 г.
Mikheil Saakashsvili, President of Georgia 64th Session of the United Nations General Assembly New York, September 24, 2009
Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates. I would like to thank you for the opportunity to address the 64th annual general debate of the United Nations. Each year we gather here to confront our common challenges and to express our vision for the world we share – the world for which we are common stewards. And each year we promise to do more – to do better – to live up to and defend the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. We meet this year on the 20th anniversary of one of the most successful triumphs of those principles. Twenty years have passed since Europe – and the rest of the world – was liberated from one of the cruelest episodes in modern history. The fall of the Berlin Wall brought to an end an artificial line that separated nations, divided families, strangled freedom, and imprisoned millions. Remarkably, that formidable wall crumbled without a single shot being fired. It yielded to the will of those millions who yearned for liberty and it yielded to the determination of a united West. Twenty years ago, a universally feared military force was defeated by the force of a universal truth – the call for freedom and the simple desire to live a dignified life. When the Berlin Wall was dismantled 20 years ago, it did more than free the captive nations of the Warsaw Pact.
It unleashed the hopes, dreams, aspirations and talents of millions of citizens living under the tyranny of the Soviet Union – including my own nation’s people.
Today, these citizens make up more than a dozen diverse nations, linked together by common desires and ambitions to live in a world free from spheres of influence – free from external control – able to choose their own destiny. Today, as we look back at this historic chapter, and the impact it has had on our world, we can rightly be proud of what was achieved – of the tremendous progress made, and the prosperity that a lasting peace has brought. But if we are to evaluate the past honestly, we must admit our present remains bittersweet. For there is a real danger that rather than building on this great chapter of idealism and progress, states and leaders will allow a return of the dull complacency and cynical power politics that led to so many of the worst moments of the past 100 years. And the moment is bittersweet because, regrettably, not everyone drew the same lessons of hope and inspiration when that Wall came down. Indeed, 20 years ago, when freedom’s spirit swept that wall away, few imagined the repression and threats it represented would so soon re-appear, and that the hopes unleashed in 1989 would so quickly founder. Yet today, a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace remains a goal still to be achieved – a project not yet accomplished, and a challenge, unfortunately, unmet. Today, I stand before you as the democratically elected leader of a proud and sovereign nation. But, tragically, Georgia today, like Germany a generation ago, is a nation with a deep wound running through her. As Vaclav Havel and others leading voices of Europe’s conscience declared earlier this week, Europe is today divided by a new wall, built by an outside force – a wall that runs through the middle of Georgia. A wall that cuts off one fifth of our territory – a wall that once again divides Europe from itself, creating new lines of repression and fear: artificial dividing lines inside the internationally recognized borders of a European nation.
It may be unpopular – but I am obliged to speak the truth. And the truth is that this wall’s existence mocks the progress we seemed to have made since that bright shining day in Berlin 20 years ago. This new wall tells us that once again the rule of force has trumped the rule of law- and the rule of reason. I see no irony – only tragedy - in the fact that this wall is being built by the very people whose ideas were collectively and decisively defeated and rejected just 20 years ago. I take no comfort that those who thought the Wall’s destruction was the single greatest tragedy of the 20th Century now lead these deplorable efforts. One year ago, my country was invaded: tanks, war planes, warships, bombs and state-directed cyber hackers descended upon our towns, villages, cities, infrastructure, and economy. Hundreds of our people were killed or wounded. Tens of thousands of innocent civilians were forced to flee in the face of ethnic cleansing that independent human rights organizations have documented. Today, these acts of brutality have gone unaddressed– in direct contravention of international law, the norms of this institution and internationally signed agreements designed to reverse these wrongs. These are the facts that confront us as we gather here today. And these facts do have a name: armed aggression, ethnic cleansing, mass violations of human rights, and illegal occupation.
Ladies and gentlemen, those who unleashed war in my region and led ethnic cleansing campaigns in my country – said yesterday in this very hall – that they had to do it to, “implement the principle of indivisibility of security” – in order to, “step over the legacy of the past era”. The only thing that they stepped over was our sovereign border.
They said they had to do it... As their predecessors had to invade Poland in 1939, Finland in 1940, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, and Afghanistan in 1979. And they had to erase a capital of 400,000 inhabitants – Grozny, to destroy and exterminate the proud Chechen nation and kill tens of thousands of innocent women and children. Recent history is indeed a powerful guide to understanding what kind of actions these leaders undertake in order to bring what they call "security and stability" to my region. But I want to say clearly today that the people of Georgia cannot and will not accept a new dividing line in our country. That is an unchangeable commitment. And the return of a wall across Europe is not just a matter for Georgia. Indeed, the very values of this institution remain at threat. The protection of human rights, respect for the dignity and equality of all persons, the inadmissibility of ethnic cleansing, and recognition of the inviolability of sovereign borders – all are values that form the bedrock of this institution. We certainly did not choose this course of action, but it is up to us to recognize and reverse its illegality. As a community of responsible nations, it is our collective responsibility to uphold international law and insist that borders cannot and will not be changed through the use of force. It is up to us to tear down this new wall peacefully – with the power of our ideas and the strength of our convictions. I want the world to understand clearly how we view this new wall and our strategy for tearing it down. To start, let me state outright: we do not expect it to disappear overnight. We understand the need for patience. But the history of the Berlin Wall teaches us that patience must not be passive.
The Berlin Wall only fell because passionate, disciplined, energetic partisans of freedom, both behind and outside that wall, worked with focus, discipline, and courage, to remind the world continually of the illegitimacy and illegality of that wall, and to take actions to hasten its demise. I would like to use this opportunity to thank those member nations at the UN for their vote recognizing the right of return for all who have been displaced– for all the victims of ethnic cleansing. I would like to thank all those nations across the globe that resisted illegality and pressure by standing firm in their non-recognition of those territories of Georgia now occupied by a foreign force. I want to thank all those nations who have been so generous in pledging and providing vital economic support that has proved invaluable in helping to build shelters and rebuild the dreams of the invasion’s refugees and IDPs. On behalf of all my fellow citizens, I wish to thank you for your generosity, especially at a time of such extreme hardship around the world. Beyond the comfort provided by your material support, I want to thank all of Georgia’s friends who have defended not only our sovereignty, but our right to forge our own path in the world, to choose our own alliances, and to reject the 19th-century notion of spheres of influence, which led to so much warfare, repression, and hardship in the world’s history. I want to thank those nations and leaders of the European Union who today have committed their monitors to Georgia for the promotion of peace. The Georgian people are also grateful to US President Obama, for his unyielding words of support for our sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to Vice President Biden, for visiting Georgia this summer and underscoring America’s commitment to our democracy and our right to choose our own future. And in particular, I want to thank the UN for its more than 16 years of contributions to peace on the ground in Georgia through its presence in our country– a presence recently and abruptly halted by the unilateral actions of one single member state. Our future depends on us.
And so today I also want to report to you on the progress Georgia is making, through our own efforts, in the year since we suffered Europe’s first invasion in the post-Cold War era. One year after losing hundreds of our sons and daughters and after seeing tens of thousands of our people displaced, the Georgian people have regrouped and made real progress down the path of peace, freedom, and individual liberty. And I would like to pay tribute to their courage. Just this summer, in a refugee camp outside Tbilisi, I saw young children demonstrating their unstoppable will to have a normal and free life, seizing the opportunity to learn how to compete in the modern age, using new computers, mastering English and advancing their pursuit of knowledge despite the odds. These children are the future of my country. These children symbolize, ladies and gentlemen, the path Georgia took after the invasion. We are following through on the promises I made at this podium last year to strengthen our democracy, foster pluralism, and expand individual liberties. Already, we have set reforms in motion, which within the next year will advance the progress of the Rose Revolution and irreversibly deepen our identity as the freest state in our region. Already, we permitted nearly three months of opposition protests to proceed unhindered, even though they closed down the main street of our capital, reflecting our deep commitment to pluralism and our respect for dissent and freedom of speech. Already, we have given opposition-controlled broadcast stations license to transmit across the nation. Already, we have brought opposition parties into meetings of our national security council, to ensure our security policies reflect the unified will of the nation, beyond faction, beyond party. Already, we have committed to the direct election of mayors next year and begun the development of new electoral rules, including a consensus chair of our electoral
commission, to ensure the greatest possible legitimacy of our democratic processes. In the next few months we will go even further. We will adopt new laws to penalize any government official or other outside party from interfering with our judges. And we will adopt constitutional reforms to transfer power from the presidency to a stronger parliament. We do this because a vibrant democracy is one of the best ways to topple this new wall. We are also doing all we can to rebuild our economy. The Georgian people are skilled and hard-working, but they are bearing the double punishment of a global economic downturn and the economic consequences of last summer’s invasion. Our biggest imperative at home is to create more employment, and we are doing all we can to pursue that goal, every day. We are heartened that just this month the World Bank named Georgia as the eleventh most attractive country in the world for doing business when only a few years ago we were 122nd. And we will continue to take steps to strengthen our economy and create more employment. We are resolutely committed to our vision of a sovereign and unified Georgia. Together, with all of Georgia’s diverse ethnic groups and religions we will prevail over this illegal occupation and reverse this ethnic cleansing.
Abkhazia is the birthplace of our culture and civilization. Starting from Jason and the Argonauts, Abkhazia has been the most valuable and vibrant part of our journey through history.
Abkhazia today has been emptied of more than ¾’s of its population. Gardens and hotels, theaters and restaurants have been replaced by military bases and graveyards. It will take time, but Abkhazia will once again be what it was: the most wonderful part of Georgia. Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, I came here today to deliver this simple message: Georgia is winning the peace.
And here is how you can measure our commitment. Did we crumble in the face of a brutal invasion? No. Did we crack down in the face of dissent? No. Did we reduce freedom in the face of recession? No. Even in the face of adversity, we continue to contribute to the common goals established by our friends and by the international community at large. In the battle against climate change, I am proud to say that Georgia is at the vanguard, producing 85 percent of our electricity from green and renewable sources. We are, meanwhile, on the frontlines of confronting terrorism around the world with our allies, including in Afghanistan where our troops will serve side by side with others from around the world. We are winning the peace because every day, nations from our region become more and more independent from our common imperial legacy. Every day, regional states reject more and more the tremendous pressure coming from our common past. Every day, the idea that we can resist revanchist tendencies is growing and every day an arc of independent nations - from Belarus to Moldova – Uzbekistan to Mongolia - is telling the world that spheres of influence is a thing of the past. Georgia, my friends - is not only a country; the new wall that cuts across our territory
has transformed Georgia to an idea and a test. An idea of freedom and independence, and a test for the world. A test the world must not fail. If the test is successful, then you will be amazed how quickly this region will develop its tremendous potential. An active, patient victory over this new wall is a crucial step in the effort to build energy security for free nations, and to build a united front against lawlessness and terrorism. It's a sphere where all cultures, influences, religions, and traditions meet, providing an antidote to the risk of a clash of civilizations. Yesterday, President Obama said clearly that new walls should not divide us, that the future belongs to those who build and not to those who destroy, that cooperation and values have to prevail against division and cynicism. I want today to stress how much we share this vision, how much this vision is vital for my country and my region and beyond. Twenty years ago, the velvet revolutions opened a new era in international relations and a new journey began towards a free and cooperative world. I am confident we will prevail on that journey, but only if we are not complacent, only if we are not passive. And if we stand by and defend our deeply held values. After all, the clarion voice of those velvet revolutions two decades ago – the voice of Vaclav Havel – offered us a solemn reminder only this week about the dangers we have yet to overcome.
Speaking of the new wall that now divides Georgia, he wrote, together with other prominent Europeans – and I quote: “The failure of Western democracies to respond to the dismemberment of a friendly nation, albeit a small one, can have very serious global consequences.
The European Union was built against the temptation of Munich and the iron curtain. It would be utterly disastrous if we were to appear in any way to condone the kind of practices that plunged our continent into war and division for most of the last century. At stake is nothing less than the fate of the project to which we continue to dedicate our lives: the peaceful and democratic reunification of the European continent.” We must not fail to hear Vaclav Havel’s call and President Obama’s call – and the call of one my personal heroes from Russia, Anna Politkovskaya, so brutally silenced. Their calls echo across two decades of progress – a progress that has sparked great hopes, but that remains fragile. Today and together we must provide answers. Today and together we must show leadership and vision. Today and together we must demonstrate uncommon resolve. And most of all, today and together we must provide an example that the power of our values and ideals – will finally unleash the tremendous human potential within us all. THANK YOU
It unleashed the hopes, dreams, aspirations and talents of millions of citizens living under the tyranny of the Soviet Union – including my own nation’s people.
Today, these citizens make up more than a dozen diverse nations, linked together by common desires and ambitions to live in a world free from spheres of influence – free from external control – able to choose their own destiny. Today, as we look back at this historic chapter, and the impact it has had on our world, we can rightly be proud of what was achieved – of the tremendous progress made, and the prosperity that a lasting peace has brought. But if we are to evaluate the past honestly, we must admit our present remains bittersweet. For there is a real danger that rather than building on this great chapter of idealism and progress, states and leaders will allow a return of the dull complacency and cynical power politics that led to so many of the worst moments of the past 100 years. And the moment is bittersweet because, regrettably, not everyone drew the same lessons of hope and inspiration when that Wall came down. Indeed, 20 years ago, when freedom’s spirit swept that wall away, few imagined the repression and threats it represented would so soon re-appear, and that the hopes unleashed in 1989 would so quickly founder. Yet today, a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace remains a goal still to be achieved – a project not yet accomplished, and a challenge, unfortunately, unmet. Today, I stand before you as the democratically elected leader of a proud and sovereign nation. But, tragically, Georgia today, like Germany a generation ago, is a nation with a deep wound running through her. As Vaclav Havel and others leading voices of Europe’s conscience declared earlier this week, Europe is today divided by a new wall, built by an outside force – a wall that runs through the middle of Georgia. A wall that cuts off one fifth of our territory – a wall that once again divides Europe from itself, creating new lines of repression and fear: artificial dividing lines inside the internationally recognized borders of a European nation.
It may be unpopular – but I am obliged to speak the truth. And the truth is that this wall’s existence mocks the progress we seemed to have made since that bright shining day in Berlin 20 years ago. This new wall tells us that once again the rule of force has trumped the rule of law- and the rule of reason. I see no irony – only tragedy - in the fact that this wall is being built by the very people whose ideas were collectively and decisively defeated and rejected just 20 years ago. I take no comfort that those who thought the Wall’s destruction was the single greatest tragedy of the 20th Century now lead these deplorable efforts. One year ago, my country was invaded: tanks, war planes, warships, bombs and state-directed cyber hackers descended upon our towns, villages, cities, infrastructure, and economy. Hundreds of our people were killed or wounded. Tens of thousands of innocent civilians were forced to flee in the face of ethnic cleansing that independent human rights organizations have documented. Today, these acts of brutality have gone unaddressed– in direct contravention of international law, the norms of this institution and internationally signed agreements designed to reverse these wrongs. These are the facts that confront us as we gather here today. And these facts do have a name: armed aggression, ethnic cleansing, mass violations of human rights, and illegal occupation.
Ladies and gentlemen, those who unleashed war in my region and led ethnic cleansing campaigns in my country – said yesterday in this very hall – that they had to do it to, “implement the principle of indivisibility of security” – in order to, “step over the legacy of the past era”. The only thing that they stepped over was our sovereign border.
They said they had to do it... As their predecessors had to invade Poland in 1939, Finland in 1940, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, and Afghanistan in 1979. And they had to erase a capital of 400,000 inhabitants – Grozny, to destroy and exterminate the proud Chechen nation and kill tens of thousands of innocent women and children. Recent history is indeed a powerful guide to understanding what kind of actions these leaders undertake in order to bring what they call "security and stability" to my region. But I want to say clearly today that the people of Georgia cannot and will not accept a new dividing line in our country. That is an unchangeable commitment. And the return of a wall across Europe is not just a matter for Georgia. Indeed, the very values of this institution remain at threat. The protection of human rights, respect for the dignity and equality of all persons, the inadmissibility of ethnic cleansing, and recognition of the inviolability of sovereign borders – all are values that form the bedrock of this institution. We certainly did not choose this course of action, but it is up to us to recognize and reverse its illegality. As a community of responsible nations, it is our collective responsibility to uphold international law and insist that borders cannot and will not be changed through the use of force. It is up to us to tear down this new wall peacefully – with the power of our ideas and the strength of our convictions. I want the world to understand clearly how we view this new wall and our strategy for tearing it down. To start, let me state outright: we do not expect it to disappear overnight. We understand the need for patience. But the history of the Berlin Wall teaches us that patience must not be passive.
The Berlin Wall only fell because passionate, disciplined, energetic partisans of freedom, both behind and outside that wall, worked with focus, discipline, and courage, to remind the world continually of the illegitimacy and illegality of that wall, and to take actions to hasten its demise. I would like to use this opportunity to thank those member nations at the UN for their vote recognizing the right of return for all who have been displaced– for all the victims of ethnic cleansing. I would like to thank all those nations across the globe that resisted illegality and pressure by standing firm in their non-recognition of those territories of Georgia now occupied by a foreign force. I want to thank all those nations who have been so generous in pledging and providing vital economic support that has proved invaluable in helping to build shelters and rebuild the dreams of the invasion’s refugees and IDPs. On behalf of all my fellow citizens, I wish to thank you for your generosity, especially at a time of such extreme hardship around the world. Beyond the comfort provided by your material support, I want to thank all of Georgia’s friends who have defended not only our sovereignty, but our right to forge our own path in the world, to choose our own alliances, and to reject the 19th-century notion of spheres of influence, which led to so much warfare, repression, and hardship in the world’s history. I want to thank those nations and leaders of the European Union who today have committed their monitors to Georgia for the promotion of peace. The Georgian people are also grateful to US President Obama, for his unyielding words of support for our sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to Vice President Biden, for visiting Georgia this summer and underscoring America’s commitment to our democracy and our right to choose our own future. And in particular, I want to thank the UN for its more than 16 years of contributions to peace on the ground in Georgia through its presence in our country– a presence recently and abruptly halted by the unilateral actions of one single member state. Our future depends on us.
And so today I also want to report to you on the progress Georgia is making, through our own efforts, in the year since we suffered Europe’s first invasion in the post-Cold War era. One year after losing hundreds of our sons and daughters and after seeing tens of thousands of our people displaced, the Georgian people have regrouped and made real progress down the path of peace, freedom, and individual liberty. And I would like to pay tribute to their courage. Just this summer, in a refugee camp outside Tbilisi, I saw young children demonstrating their unstoppable will to have a normal and free life, seizing the opportunity to learn how to compete in the modern age, using new computers, mastering English and advancing their pursuit of knowledge despite the odds. These children are the future of my country. These children symbolize, ladies and gentlemen, the path Georgia took after the invasion. We are following through on the promises I made at this podium last year to strengthen our democracy, foster pluralism, and expand individual liberties. Already, we have set reforms in motion, which within the next year will advance the progress of the Rose Revolution and irreversibly deepen our identity as the freest state in our region. Already, we permitted nearly three months of opposition protests to proceed unhindered, even though they closed down the main street of our capital, reflecting our deep commitment to pluralism and our respect for dissent and freedom of speech. Already, we have given opposition-controlled broadcast stations license to transmit across the nation. Already, we have brought opposition parties into meetings of our national security council, to ensure our security policies reflect the unified will of the nation, beyond faction, beyond party. Already, we have committed to the direct election of mayors next year and begun the development of new electoral rules, including a consensus chair of our electoral
commission, to ensure the greatest possible legitimacy of our democratic processes. In the next few months we will go even further. We will adopt new laws to penalize any government official or other outside party from interfering with our judges. And we will adopt constitutional reforms to transfer power from the presidency to a stronger parliament. We do this because a vibrant democracy is one of the best ways to topple this new wall. We are also doing all we can to rebuild our economy. The Georgian people are skilled and hard-working, but they are bearing the double punishment of a global economic downturn and the economic consequences of last summer’s invasion. Our biggest imperative at home is to create more employment, and we are doing all we can to pursue that goal, every day. We are heartened that just this month the World Bank named Georgia as the eleventh most attractive country in the world for doing business when only a few years ago we were 122nd. And we will continue to take steps to strengthen our economy and create more employment. We are resolutely committed to our vision of a sovereign and unified Georgia. Together, with all of Georgia’s diverse ethnic groups and religions we will prevail over this illegal occupation and reverse this ethnic cleansing.
Abkhazia is the birthplace of our culture and civilization. Starting from Jason and the Argonauts, Abkhazia has been the most valuable and vibrant part of our journey through history.
Abkhazia today has been emptied of more than ¾’s of its population. Gardens and hotels, theaters and restaurants have been replaced by military bases and graveyards. It will take time, but Abkhazia will once again be what it was: the most wonderful part of Georgia. Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, I came here today to deliver this simple message: Georgia is winning the peace.
And here is how you can measure our commitment. Did we crumble in the face of a brutal invasion? No. Did we crack down in the face of dissent? No. Did we reduce freedom in the face of recession? No. Even in the face of adversity, we continue to contribute to the common goals established by our friends and by the international community at large. In the battle against climate change, I am proud to say that Georgia is at the vanguard, producing 85 percent of our electricity from green and renewable sources. We are, meanwhile, on the frontlines of confronting terrorism around the world with our allies, including in Afghanistan where our troops will serve side by side with others from around the world. We are winning the peace because every day, nations from our region become more and more independent from our common imperial legacy. Every day, regional states reject more and more the tremendous pressure coming from our common past. Every day, the idea that we can resist revanchist tendencies is growing and every day an arc of independent nations - from Belarus to Moldova – Uzbekistan to Mongolia - is telling the world that spheres of influence is a thing of the past. Georgia, my friends - is not only a country; the new wall that cuts across our territory
has transformed Georgia to an idea and a test. An idea of freedom and independence, and a test for the world. A test the world must not fail. If the test is successful, then you will be amazed how quickly this region will develop its tremendous potential. An active, patient victory over this new wall is a crucial step in the effort to build energy security for free nations, and to build a united front against lawlessness and terrorism. It's a sphere where all cultures, influences, religions, and traditions meet, providing an antidote to the risk of a clash of civilizations. Yesterday, President Obama said clearly that new walls should not divide us, that the future belongs to those who build and not to those who destroy, that cooperation and values have to prevail against division and cynicism. I want today to stress how much we share this vision, how much this vision is vital for my country and my region and beyond. Twenty years ago, the velvet revolutions opened a new era in international relations and a new journey began towards a free and cooperative world. I am confident we will prevail on that journey, but only if we are not complacent, only if we are not passive. And if we stand by and defend our deeply held values. After all, the clarion voice of those velvet revolutions two decades ago – the voice of Vaclav Havel – offered us a solemn reminder only this week about the dangers we have yet to overcome.
Speaking of the new wall that now divides Georgia, he wrote, together with other prominent Europeans – and I quote: “The failure of Western democracies to respond to the dismemberment of a friendly nation, albeit a small one, can have very serious global consequences.
The European Union was built against the temptation of Munich and the iron curtain. It would be utterly disastrous if we were to appear in any way to condone the kind of practices that plunged our continent into war and division for most of the last century. At stake is nothing less than the fate of the project to which we continue to dedicate our lives: the peaceful and democratic reunification of the European continent.” We must not fail to hear Vaclav Havel’s call and President Obama’s call – and the call of one my personal heroes from Russia, Anna Politkovskaya, so brutally silenced. Their calls echo across two decades of progress – a progress that has sparked great hopes, but that remains fragile. Today and together we must provide answers. Today and together we must show leadership and vision. Today and together we must demonstrate uncommon resolve. And most of all, today and together we must provide an example that the power of our values and ideals – will finally unleash the tremendous human potential within us all. THANK YOU
Toppling ‘New Berlin Wall’ with Democracy – Saakashvili’s UN Speech
The Georgian authorities remain committed to deepen democratic reforms, as “vibrant democracy is one of the best ways to topple new wall” dividing Abkhazia and South Ossetia from the rest of Georgia, President Saakashvili said in a speech to the UN General Assembly.
In his address, Saakashvili mainly focused on Russia’s occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, drawing parallels between the Berlin Wall and “new artificial dividing line… built by the very people whose ideas were collectively and decisively defeated and rejected just 20 years ago” when the Berlin Wall collapsed.
“This new wall tells us that once again the rule of force has trumped the rule of law and the rule of reason,” he said.
Speaking about the road ahead, Saakashvili said he wanted “to state outright” that Georgia did not expect this “new wall” “to disappear overnight.”
“We understand the need for patience,” he said. “But the history of the Berlin Wall teaches us that patience must not be passive.”
“The Berlin Wall only fell because passionate, disciplined, energetic partisans of freedom, both behind and outside that wall, worked with focus, discipline, and courage, to remind the world continually of the illegitimacy and illegality of that wall, and to take actions to hasten its demise,” he added.
Saakashvili said that he was following through on the promises made at the General Assembly a year ago to strengthen Georgia’s democracy.
“Already, we have set reforms in motion, which within the next year will advance the progress of the Rose Revolution and irreversibly deepen our identity as the freest state in our region,” he said.
He said that the Georgian authorities’ “deep commitment” to pluralism and “respect for dissent” was reflected in allowing opposition’s unhindered three-month street protest rallies, “even though they closed down the main street and paralyzed government buildings.”
Saakashvili said that the government had already given “opposition-controlled broadcast stations license to transmit across the nation” – a Tbilisi-based Maestro TV obtained a satellite broadcast license in July.
“Already, we have brought opposition parties into meetings of our national security council, basically making no secrets from them, giving full access to state information to ensure our security policies reflect the unified will of the nation, beyond faction, beyond party,” he said.
On local elections, expected to be held on May 30, 2010, Saakashvili said that the government “committed to the direct election of all mayors.”
He also said that the development of new electoral rules “based on consensus” between the political parties had started.
Saakashvili said that adoption of laws “to penalize any government official or other outside party” from interfering with the judiciary was planned.
“And we will adopt constitutional reforms to transfer power from the presidency to a stronger parliament,” he added.
In his speech he also said that although much had been achieved since the collapse of the Berlin Wall, “we must admit our present remains bittersweet.”
“For there is a real danger that rather than building on this great chapter of idealism and progress, states and leaders will allow a return of the dull complacency and cynical power politics that led to so many of the worst moments of the past 100 years,” Saakashvili said.
“It may be unpopular - but I am obliged to speak the truth. And the truth is that this wall's existence mocks the progress we seemed to have made since that bright shining day in Berlin 20 years ago.”
“I take no comfort that those who thought the Wall's destruction was the single greatest tragedy of the 20th Century now lead these deplorable efforts,” he said referring to now Russian PM Vladimir Putin’s remarks made in 2005 in which he described collapse of the Soviet Union as “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe" of the 20th century.”
He also said that so far, ethnic cleansing carried out is breakaway regions, “have gone unaddressed.”
“Those who unleashed war in my region and led ethnic cleansing campaigns in my country - said yesterday in this very hall - that they had to do it to, ‘implement the principle of indivisibility of security’,” Saakashvili said referring to remarks of Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian President, during his address to the UN General Assembly.
“They said they had to do it... As their predecessors had to invade Poland in 1939, Finland in 1940, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, and Afghanistan in 1979. And they had to erase a capital of 400,000 inhabitants - Grozny, to destroy and exterminate the proud Chechen nation and kill tens of thousands of innocent women and children.
In his speech, Saakashvili also raised the issue of climate change and said that Georgia “is in the vanguard” in the battle against climate change, producing 85% of our electricity from green and renewable sources,” Saakashvili said.
http://civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=21502
In his address, Saakashvili mainly focused on Russia’s occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, drawing parallels between the Berlin Wall and “new artificial dividing line… built by the very people whose ideas were collectively and decisively defeated and rejected just 20 years ago” when the Berlin Wall collapsed.
“This new wall tells us that once again the rule of force has trumped the rule of law and the rule of reason,” he said.
Speaking about the road ahead, Saakashvili said he wanted “to state outright” that Georgia did not expect this “new wall” “to disappear overnight.”
“We understand the need for patience,” he said. “But the history of the Berlin Wall teaches us that patience must not be passive.”
“The Berlin Wall only fell because passionate, disciplined, energetic partisans of freedom, both behind and outside that wall, worked with focus, discipline, and courage, to remind the world continually of the illegitimacy and illegality of that wall, and to take actions to hasten its demise,” he added.
Saakashvili said that he was following through on the promises made at the General Assembly a year ago to strengthen Georgia’s democracy.
“Already, we have set reforms in motion, which within the next year will advance the progress of the Rose Revolution and irreversibly deepen our identity as the freest state in our region,” he said.
He said that the Georgian authorities’ “deep commitment” to pluralism and “respect for dissent” was reflected in allowing opposition’s unhindered three-month street protest rallies, “even though they closed down the main street and paralyzed government buildings.”
Saakashvili said that the government had already given “opposition-controlled broadcast stations license to transmit across the nation” – a Tbilisi-based Maestro TV obtained a satellite broadcast license in July.
“Already, we have brought opposition parties into meetings of our national security council, basically making no secrets from them, giving full access to state information to ensure our security policies reflect the unified will of the nation, beyond faction, beyond party,” he said.
On local elections, expected to be held on May 30, 2010, Saakashvili said that the government “committed to the direct election of all mayors.”
He also said that the development of new electoral rules “based on consensus” between the political parties had started.
Saakashvili said that adoption of laws “to penalize any government official or other outside party” from interfering with the judiciary was planned.
“And we will adopt constitutional reforms to transfer power from the presidency to a stronger parliament,” he added.
In his speech he also said that although much had been achieved since the collapse of the Berlin Wall, “we must admit our present remains bittersweet.”
“For there is a real danger that rather than building on this great chapter of idealism and progress, states and leaders will allow a return of the dull complacency and cynical power politics that led to so many of the worst moments of the past 100 years,” Saakashvili said.
“It may be unpopular - but I am obliged to speak the truth. And the truth is that this wall's existence mocks the progress we seemed to have made since that bright shining day in Berlin 20 years ago.”
“I take no comfort that those who thought the Wall's destruction was the single greatest tragedy of the 20th Century now lead these deplorable efforts,” he said referring to now Russian PM Vladimir Putin’s remarks made in 2005 in which he described collapse of the Soviet Union as “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe" of the 20th century.”
He also said that so far, ethnic cleansing carried out is breakaway regions, “have gone unaddressed.”
“Those who unleashed war in my region and led ethnic cleansing campaigns in my country - said yesterday in this very hall - that they had to do it to, ‘implement the principle of indivisibility of security’,” Saakashvili said referring to remarks of Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian President, during his address to the UN General Assembly.
“They said they had to do it... As their predecessors had to invade Poland in 1939, Finland in 1940, Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, and Afghanistan in 1979. And they had to erase a capital of 400,000 inhabitants - Grozny, to destroy and exterminate the proud Chechen nation and kill tens of thousands of innocent women and children.
In his speech, Saakashvili also raised the issue of climate change and said that Georgia “is in the vanguard” in the battle against climate change, producing 85% of our electricity from green and renewable sources,” Saakashvili said.
http://civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=21502
вторник, 22 сентября 2009 г.
Inguri Dam
The Inguri Dam is a hydroelectric dam on the Inguri River in Georgia. Currently it is the world's highest concrete arch dam with a height of 272 metres (890 ft). It is located north of the town Jvari. It is part of the Inguri hydroelectric power station (HES) which is partially located in the partially recognised Abkhazia.
Construction of the Inguri dam began in 1961. The dam became temporarily operational in 1978, and was completed in 1987. In 1994, the dam was inspected by engineers of Hydro-Québec, who found that the dam was "in a rare state of dilapidation". In 1999, the European Commission granted €9.4 million to Georgia for urgent repairs at the EInguri HES, including replacing the stoplog at the arch dam on the Georgian side and, refurbishing one of the five generators of the power station at the Abkhaz side.
http://users.livejournal.com/schwalbe_/4054.html
Construction of the Inguri dam began in 1961. The dam became temporarily operational in 1978, and was completed in 1987. In 1994, the dam was inspected by engineers of Hydro-Québec, who found that the dam was "in a rare state of dilapidation". In 1999, the European Commission granted €9.4 million to Georgia for urgent repairs at the EInguri HES, including replacing the stoplog at the arch dam on the Georgian side and, refurbishing one of the five generators of the power station at the Abkhaz side.
http://users.livejournal.com/schwalbe_/4054.html
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